The Power of Communication: How Whispers Inspired Revolutions Through the Centuries

Do you know how revolutions around the world start?

I grew up in a world where communication was predicated on “be careful what you say, because you don’t know who is listening,” but those who were listening to what regular people said understood that the greatest thing they could do was to “let people speak,” not stop them.

In this method, you may follow “breadcrumbs” that lead to the arrest and torture of opposition leaders and rebel commanders.

That was during communism, but we are now seeing an acceleration and increased dynamism in human communication, which appears to have fundamentally changed over the last several decades.

Not only is the connection faster, but the number of links linking us in the chaos of modern communication has expanded, as has the depth of the ties.

However, the most significant element is the power that modern communication affords us.

With the advent of the Internet, it became evident that almost no part of the world would ever be forgotten again.

We began to blend more and more of this “virtual” world into our “real life”.”

The introduction of social networks transformed the Internet into a platform where people could express their thoughts, jobs, and social activities.

It was only a matter of time before social media platforms such as Facebook and Twitter evolved into fully fledged modern agoras, at which point politicians throughout the world became quite concerned about the comments that flowed through these virtual spaces.

Let us now expound on the “Arab Spring” and how widely employed social media was controlled by the government; eventually, the internet was shut down, and a revolution began to build; you may be wondering why?!

The Arab Spring is a catalyst for change.

The Arab Spring, a revolutionary wave of rallies, protests, and civil wars, erupted in late 2010.

This series of events transformed the political landscape of North Africa and the Middle East.

The Arab Spring began in Tunisia, prompted by the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi, a street seller protesting police corruption and mistreatment.

Bouazizi’s desperate act sparked the Tunisian Revolution, prompting subsequent revolutions in Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, and elsewhere.

These movements shared a unifying desire for more social fairness, economic opportunity, and political freedom, which resonated strongly with millions of people around the area.

The Arab Spring arose from widespread dissatisfaction with autocratic administrations, worsened by high unemployment, economic inequality, and a lack of political freedom.

Social media played a critical role in organising, disseminating, and amplifying demonstrators’ voices, defeating governmental media control efforts.

The Arab Spring produced a wide range of consequences, from the removal of long-standing governments in Egypt and Libya to destructive civil conflicts in Syria and Yemen.

The Arab Spring’s legacy continues to have an impact on global politics, demonstrating the force and unpredictable nature of citizen-led movements for change.

Has the moment arrived?

The Western world views the various revolutions that occurred or are presently taking place under the auspices of the Arab Spring, in the form of riots and rallies against ruling governments, as a success for social networks.

Because of the authorities’ tight control over the main media in conflict zones, social networks are increasingly being used to transmit information, which, due to their freedom of communication and lack of censorship, truly positions them as a suitable location for the spread of revolutionary messages.

However, the issue remains: is the Arab Twitter Spring simply a reflection of the Western world’s perspective of social networks, or is their influence truly significant?

Case of the Arab Spring

The incident occurred on December 17, 2010, in the streets of Sidi Bouzid, Tunisia. It is widely recognised as the start of the Arab Spring and subsequent revolutions in other Arab states.


Mohamed Boazizi, a grocer, set himself on fire in protest when officials prevented him from selling and confiscated fruits and vegetables. He died shortly after.

Following that, hundreds of demonstrators flocked to the streets, and one of the first photographs posted on Facebook of protestors and police outside the government building will serve as proof of social media’s critical role in public life.

As a result, the first news to spread globally via social media was viewed as a precursor to the wave of protests.

Until the beginning of 2011, when Tunisia’s long-time president, Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, was forced to step down, the streets of Tunisia were filled with violent protests.

Every day, there were alarming stories about clashes between demonstrators and police forces in the global media, which also served as information sources on social networks.

Tunisia’s position is unique in the Arab world, if only because the ruling dictatorship was deposed relatively fast, and the reforms and political opportunities obtained in a year presented Tunisia in a new light.

Tunisia is unique in that images, comments, opinions, and recordings from the streets have spread throughout the world, due to not only traditional media but also social networks and their users.


The Egyptian story differed in several respects. What was comparable were Hosni Mubarak’s autocratic rule and the wave of protests that began in the same way, following Tunisia’s lead, when an Egyptian set himself on fire in Cairo to protest the country’s dismal social and economic conditions.

A few days later, the streets were filled with protesters.

Protests in Cairo and other cities lasted 18 days. Social media users uploaded images, videos, and notes about the incident, sparking additional protests.

Egyptians were outraged in 2010 due to continued security concerns, a worsening economy, poverty, and high unemployment.

In Egypt, young people formed Facebook groups to encourage Egyptians to march to abolish corruption, revise the constitution, and generate new jobs.

Egyptian and Tunisian protesters used social media to increase the revolution’s activity and reach. Most citizens obtained their information from social media.

One activist in Cairo stated, “We use Facebook to schedule protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to inform the world.”

Egypt’s highest administrative body has ordered the suspension of internet and mobile services in some parts of the country.

It is worth noting, however, that the blockage of modern channels of communication prompted even more resistance, as people turned to traditional “door-to-door” campaigns to rally as much support as possible for the protests.

In addition to Tunisia and Egypt, several more nations have felt the effects of the Arab Spring on state stability.

Libya and Yemen have little Internet penetration and control, so social media’s impact on protests is limited. A huge wave of protestant discontent swept over Bahrain, Algeria, and Morocco.

Protests began in Syria in mid-March 2011, with some of the first social media reports showing conflicts between police and protestors in Damascus.

What should be remembered in the future is that regimes in nations whose governments were deposed using social media were unprepared for such events.

In countries where the Internet was not a key source of information, it swiftly became a valuable “weapon”.

The premise is that leaders acknowledge social media’s ability to impact public opinion. Social media now reflects a country’s internal dynamics.

As social networks expand, we will see the effects on people and society as a whole.

Social media and the unstoppable momentum of the Arab Spring

The Arab Spring represented a watershed moment in the use of technology for political activity.

Initially fueled by social media platforms, the protests revealed the potent role that digital tools could play in confronting entrenched authoritarian regimes throughout the Arab East.

Social media sites such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube played important roles in the early stages of the Arab Spring.

They enabled demonstrators to organise demonstrations, share information about government abuses, and broadcast images and stories that major media sources either ignored or banned.

These internet tools had a significant influence, allowing for faster and larger-scale protest coordination than was previously feasible.

However, when the protests gained traction, many governments attempted to quell them by cutting off internet access and censoring social media websites.

Notably, Egypt’s authorities cut down internet connectivity for many days in an attempt to quash the rebellion. Despite these restrictions, the revolutions continued to spread, exhibiting a resilience that extended beyond digital communication.

This perseverance was fueled by a deep yearning for change.

When internet communication was cut off, people relied on more conventional techniques of organising and disseminating information, such as word of mouth, graffiti, and flyers.

Neighbours formed local committees to protect neighbourhoods and coordinate protests, demonstrating that while social media had lit the spark, the fire of revolution had grown into an inferno that no government crackdown could extinguish.

The impact of social media on the Arab Spring continues to influence global movements, imparting crucial lessons about the strength of connected citizens vs authoritarian regimes.

The Power of People: Communication Beyond the Internet in the Arab Spring.

The Arab Spring starkly illustrated the enduring power of personal contact and community cooperation, demonstrating that while technology can spark change, human determination frequently propels it forward.

This issue became notably evident when governments across the Arab East, terrified by the rapidity with which protests were organised via social media, shut down internet services in an effort to quash the uprisings.

However, the blocking of digital communication channels strengthened the demonstrators’ resolve.

It emphasised an essential historical lesson: when official avenues of communication are disrupted, individuals return to traditional, arguably more powerful modes of engagement.

Communities in Egypt, Libya, and Syria used mosques, community centres, and even neighbourhood gatherings to organise and plan their resistance during the most severe internet disruptions.

The lack of internet encouraged a return to face-to-face communication, strengthening local relationships among members and increasing the resilience of protest movements.

Furthermore, traditional communication networks were less vulnerable to government observation and control.

Despite their extensive monitoring measures, security agencies struggled to get access to extremely intimate and localised networks.

Once lit, word of mouth proven to be a highly elusive and dynamic tool capable of rapid adaptation and resistance to interception.

In many respects, personal communication produced a sense of unity and immediacy that digital communication did not, integrating the protests deeper into the social fabric of the communities.

The failure of government security forces to oversee these movements can also be linked to the sheer number and variety of communication techniques used once digital avenues were closed.

Because of the spontaneous and organic nature of these meetings, these institutions had a difficult time predicting or controlling protest activities.

Furthermore, the loyalty of security officers during such revolutionary surges is frequently questionable, with many opting to support demonstrators or remain neutral, complicating governmental control efforts.

To summarise, the Arab Spring highlights a fundamental insight: technology supports the transmission of revolutionary ideas, but the true impetus is sustained by human interaction and communal relationships, which, once mobilised, are extremely difficult to stop.

Legacy of Leadership: How US Diplomacy During the Cold War Shapes Today’s Geostrategic Landscape

The “Cold War” era, which began with the end of World War II, was marked by “strained” relations between the United States and the Soviet Union, as well as their allies.

During the Cold War, open conflicts prevailed alongside international political, ideological, and economic rivalry.

The United States used diplomacy to encourage democracy while striving to limit communism’s influence and expansion around the world. Communism posed threats to individual liberty, free business, and free elections.
The proliferation of nuclear weapons raises the threat they pose.

This period of geopolitical tension between the United States and the Soviet Union shaped American foreign policy significantly.

“Chess Game”

After over fifty years of play, this extraordinarily sophisticated “chess game” had enduring repercussions that may still be felt today.

The formal Cold War lasted from the end of World War II in 1945 to the demise of the Soviet Union in 1991.

I say officially because, even after that period, tensions between the East and West remain very much evident.

It is hard to argue that the Cold War era was either a “cold peace” defined by concord and collaboration, or a “hot war” marked by open military conflict.

During this time, there was severe political and economic struggle, as well as periods of extreme tension and even the possibility of a new war.

The conflict between capitalism and communism

The ideological clash between capitalism and communism was at the centre of this global conflict.

The Soviet Union, as head of the communist bloc, advocated for state control and equality of results, whereas the United States, as leader of the capitalist bloc, advocated for free markets and individual liberty.

Both superpowers believed that their philosophies were superior and worked tirelessly to spread them over the world.

This ideological confrontation has degraded into an unending struggle for dominance over non-aligned countries. One of such countries is the former Yugoslavia, where I grew up and witnessed directly how each of the main powers attempted to expand their own areas of influence while shrinking the others’.

The Cold War had several fronts:

  • Politically, through coalitions and agreements.
  • Military tactics include proxy conflicts and an arms race.
  • Financial support through sanctions or help.
  • The cultural impact extends to all aspects of society.
  • The competition to colonise space contributes to scientific advancements.

The world was divided into two blocs: western and eastern. According to the Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) doctrine, both countries are in a dangerous power balance due to their large nuclear arsenals.

However, the danger of a response that would result in full devastation stopped either side from launching a nuclear first strike.

The fear of nuclear war, which persisted during the Cold War and is even more so now.

The conflict’s most important tipping points

Several notable events occurred during the Cold War that had a significant impact and affect on US foreign policy.

Diplomatic tensions and military clashes characterised ties between the United States and the Soviet Union.

So, we can discuss:

  • The Cold War and Iron Curtain led to worldwide divide.
  • The space race represented rivalry and dominance over others.
  • The Cuban Missile Crisis symbolised the threat of nuclear war.

During this period, efforts were made to stop the arms race and restore the balance of power through detente and the signing of the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT).

US Foreign Policy During the Cold War

During the Cold War, the United States devised and implemented a number of foreign policies aimed at slowing the rise of Soviet communism and protecting the free world.

American diplomacy in this century is defined by proactive participation.

The Truman Doctrine
Containment doctrine became the cornerstone of American Cold War strategy. This programme attempted to prevent the spread of communism by providing military and economic aid to countries at risk of Soviet influence.

The Truman Doctrine, established by President Harry Truman in 1947, reinforced this strategy by offering American support to anyone who refused to “submit” to communism.

In the next months, I will go into greater detail about the Truman Doctrine.

The Marshall Plan
The Marshall Plan, a fundamental economic policy implemented by the United States to reconstruct Western European economies devastated by WWII, is now officially known as the European Recovery Programme.

By bolstering these economies, the US aimed to make communism less appealing to European nations, thereby limiting Soviet influence.

In the near future, I will go into greater detail about the Marshall Plan.

The resulting deterrence strategy, known as Mutually Assured devastation (MAD), was supposed to prevent nuclear war by ensuring that any initial strike would result in the attacker’s utter devastation by reprisal.

The Role of NATO
The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), formed in 1949 with the goal of stopping Soviet aggression in Europe, was an important part of American foreign policy. During the Cold War, the United States’ commitment to collective security was reflected in this military alliance that linked North America and Europe.

The rush to acquire weaponry
One of the most notable aspects of the Cold War was the arms race between the United States and the Soviet Union, in which both countries accumulated substantial nuclear weapons stockpiles.

CIA’s clandestine activities

The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) played a major role in US foreign policy.

The CIA’s mission was to weaken communist groups and governments wherever they existed, from Afghanistan and Cuba to Guatemala and Iran.

Naturally, comparable operations continue to be carried out by all of the world’s intelligence services today.

The Cold War era’s accomplishments, losses, tragedies, and lessons learned continue to impact the US approach to international relations today. These insights have implications for national security doctrine and strategic decisions.

The Cold War weapons race considerably reinforced the US military-industrial complex, and this strengthening may still be seen today.

What remains a basic component of American security policy is a reliance on strong defence as a deterrent to adversaries.

Furthermore, the United States’ response to developing countries perceived as threats, particularly China, Iran, and North Korea, has reignited the containment strategy.

As a direct result of Cold War thinking, the United States has the right, and frequently the necessity, to intervene in specific situations, particularly when a threat to global security is recognised. This is especially clear today, as we have been witnessing the conflict between Russia and Ukraine for the past year and a half, as well as Israel and Palestine, Israel and Iran, and China and Taiwan.

The past, current, and future

We are witnessing a distinct upsurge in competition among the superpowers, particularly amongst the United States, China, India, and Russia.

Although this is analogous to the geopolitical dynamics of the Cold War era, the ideological conflict of today is more about democracy vs authoritarianism than capitalism versus communism, particularly in terms of governance systems and the role of technology in society.

A bipolar world was common throughout the Cold War era.

However, the current global order is growing more multipolar as emerging countries such as Brazil, India, and others gain prominence.

Furthermore, non-state players are growing more prominent in international politics. These include multinational corporations, international organisations, and even influential individuals.

During the Cold War, the two blocs competed primarily in the space race and other areas of technology.

This competition is still ongoing today in sectors such as cyber capabilities and artificial intelligence.

Cybersecurity is emerging as a crucial battleground in the conflict.

Global concerns such as pandemics and climate change necessitate teamwork and provide opportunities for collaboration rather than competition. And with the rise of the COVID outbreak, we were able to watch this in action.

We may examine history, analyse it, and apply it to current events and happenings, as I have always emphasised in my texts and podcasts.

It remains to be seen whether we are capable, willing, and bold enough to do all of that.

If you do not forget, you will never die !

As a child, I recall “people militia” or, as we call it today, “police” coming to someone’s door and politely apprehending people and taking them into custody; most of those taken into custody were returned in white sheets and left in front of the door; that is police, I recall.

However, there were several types of police that would conduct surveillance throughout the night, notably between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m.

You may wonder why between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m.?

Because of the time zones, the “Voice of America” radio station will broadcast the voice of freedom, and people will secretly listen.

If you see a meat truck, you know they will put you in the back and drive you around all day and night on hooks, and you will most likely end up in prison, a special prison for traitors, spies, 5th columnists known as Quislings, and others.

That being stated, let’s delve deep into a political system comparable to the one in which I grew up and worked, where I believed that all we did was for the greater benefit.

East Germany – STASI political prisons; if you don’t forget, you never die!


The former Stasi prison Hohenshonhausen is situated in the heart of an East Berlin residential neighbourhood.

It is surrounded by high-rise concrete houses and apartments, so look for it.

However, between the end of World War II and the fall of the Berlin Wall, hundreds of people were incarcerated at Hohenshonhausen prison.

Following the Russians, it was taken over by East Germany’s secret police, the Stasi.

In 1951, the East German Ministry of State Security selected Berlin-Hohenshonhausen’s Soviet subterranean jail as the chief remand facility.

In the 1950s, the communist regime held nearly 11,000 detainees at this place.


Those jailed include the leaders of the June 17, 1953 insurrection, as well as Jehovah’s Witnesses.

However, long before the Berlin Wall fell, the Ministry of State Security (MfS) captured SED party opponents in the West and brought them to Hohenshonhausen jail.

Reformist communists, fallen politicians, and even a disgraced former member of the SED Politburo endured months in tomb-like cells.

The neighbouring “X” labor camp, in the background, had over 200 cells and interrogation rooms until it was obliged to build a new jail facility in the late 1950s. Until 1989, this U-shaped edifice served as the Ministry of State Security’s major prison center.

Prisoners were primarily imprisoned here after filing petitions to depart the GDR or attempting liberation following the erection of the Berlin Wall on August 13, 1961.

This facility can house around 200 convicts.

In addition to the remand facility at its headquarters in Berlin-Lichtenberg, the Ministry of State Security (MfS) operated prisons in each of the GDR’s fifteen local government districts.

Psychological techniques for interrogating

Physical force, which was widely used in the 1950s to break down prisoner resistance, was later replaced by more refined psychological interrogation tactics.

The detainees were given the sense that they were entirely at the mercy of the all-powerful state officials, and they were never told where they were being held.

The captives were kept in strict isolation from one another and hermetically sealed from the outside world. Trained experts questioned the captives for months, attempting to elicit confessions.

Berlin-Hohenshonhausen guards and Stasi interrogators.

I’d start by asking questions that I’m personally attempting to discover answers to.

Who managed the detention, monitoring, and punishment of prisoners at Berlin-Hohenschönhausen?

What motivated and supported her for decades in the state security sector?

Stasi officers were constantly exposed to extreme human misery, which may have made them to feel sympathy, empathy, or even solidarity with the captives.

Doubt about oneself, internal criticism, or even denial are obvious answers.

The term “enemy” was purposefully unclear in order to criminalize, if required, any person who did not conform to the system and was branded a “enemy person”.

Demands for basic civil rights such as freedom of expression, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, and freedom of travel were viewed by the SED and Stasi as PID (“political-ideological diversion”), i.e. because all ideological attacks would be allegedly directed against the GDR from the outside and directly at the GDR’s socialist consciousness.

According to the MfS definition, the word PID, coined in 1958, refers to “the hostile method of dismantling the party, in order to eliminate its leading role in the construction of socialism, in order to soften the GDR and the entire socialist camp.”

Any criticism of the GDR’s social system, which the SED believed could only be inspired or controlled by the West, particularly through television and radio, had to be “preemptively prevented”.

In addition to those who disagree, there have been people who wanted to leave the country and refugees from the republic as “class enemies” since the wall was built in 1961.

Since we’re talking about the post-World War II era, how could it be that Stasi officials, some of whom had previously worked in National Socialist concentration camps, treated the captives with a harsh and nasty demeanor?

Approximately 11,000 people were incarcerated at Berlin-Hohenshonhausen’s primary remand facility throughout its nearly 40-year existence.

The Stasi often launched investigations against these detainees under specific provisions of the GDR’s political criminal code.

Almost every well-known political prisoner in the GDR was kept at this secret site.

Apart from the prison, officers from other departments were in charge of the detention center’s security and execution activities.

The two services of the MfS Main Department of the X would present an obedient prisoner whose frequently blackmailed or faked confession was used to justify harsh punishment.

They also provided uniformed guards who were expected to search convicts upon arrival, place them in their cells, monitor them closely, and transport them for questioning.

In addition to administering the Berlin-Hohenshonhausen remand prison, the two service units were in charge of prison administrations and remand departments in each of the 15 MfS district administrations, each with its own remand prison.

Erich Milke, Minister of State Security, exercised direct supervision over both services. During the Hohenschönhausen complex’s existence, the number of personnel in the Berlin-Hohenschönhausen service units increased, as did the overall MfS.

Remand personnel were primarily hired from pro-system families beginning in the late 1960s, when one or both parents worked for the Stasi, the National People’s Army (NVA), or other armed forces.

Employees developed unique personality traits through their upbringing in parental households, schools, mass groups such as the Free German Youth (FDJ), and the guard regiment, a military-operational component of the MfS.

These dispositions are essential building elements for the subsequent construction of training and control mechanisms, as well as MfS incentive structures.

These included, among other things, a strong sense of friend or foe, a dislike of the class adversary, allegiance to the GDR state, collectivism, and the belief that socialism is superior.

Beliefs and ideology

According to the State Security Service, secret service operatives’ performance was not only determined by familial and social circumstances.

The generally binding ideology, in particular, had a significant impact on workers’ day-to-day tasks, justifying their actions as necessary and proper.

They felt an internal duty to the “organ” and their state, and they were glad and gratified to be on the “front line” of protecting the socialist social order against the “enemy”.

The Stasi’s operations, like the SED’s overall control, were based on power claims that the organization’s leadership deemed both politically acceptable and intellectually legitimate.

The Stasi, as the “shield and sword” of the party, had to withstand these attacks while also defending the SED-established and controlled system.

The ideological enemy was always a major focus of the specialized courses, which were offered once a month during the year of party training and at the Stasi Faculty of Law. This was due to the Stasi’s literal survival in the GDR, as well as its constant close contact with the adversary.

Sanctions and the Hierarchy

Finally, the MfS used a range of disciplinary tactics, as well as privileges and incentive mechanisms (material, non-material, and career incentives), to either positively or negatively reinforce intrinsic motivation.

Officer discipline was mostly preventive, thanks to the Stasi’s system of strict commands and monitoring, military formations, a punishing environment, and peer pressure.

Former Stasi personnel’s tolerant demeanor is due to their fear of criminal prosecution or disciplinary action.

The aim, according to one investigator’s findings, was to “make sure the party can work in peace.”

Individuals who laughed and dismissed this tactic—which, of course, I did not believe in—would have caused military problems: disobedience to directives.

The political purpose of defending the socialist social order from the “enemy” motivated the headquarters’ operations, with strict adherence to the command structure and hierarchy following in second.

It was a former Soviet special camp – It was a banned location.

At the time, one part of the prison was off bounds.

Political captives were tortured, humiliated, and held without charge. They carried it out extremely cleverly. One could argue that they had influence over life.

Hohenschenhausen was a Soviet penitentiary known as “Special Camp 3” after WWII, housing nearly 20,000 detainees until October 1946.

Following its collapse, the special camp became the official penitentiary for the Soviet secret police.

In 1951, the Ministry of State Security took over the facility.

A second U-shaped structure was built next to the other in 1961.

Life in Prison

Karl-Heinz Richter was one of the witnesses who narrated the story.

Following his high school graduation in 1964, he decided to depart the GDR with his friends.

They found a position from where they could board the night train heading west. He assisted twelve companions in fleeing, and when he attempted to cross the border on his own, border authorities discovered him.

He bolted, leaping over a seven-meter-high wall.

Dragging himself home, he fractured his bones. When the Stasi rang the doorbell a week later, he was arrested.

He was initially refused treatment, but Erich Milke personally granted the order.

The prisoner was only allowed to visit Charite after spending several months in jail, where he underwent fifteen surgeries.

Urine-treated wounds

Richter informs the old prison wing’s basement that his first eight weeks of incarceration were not pleasant.

He applied urine to the wounds.

When Richter was freed from prison, many people suspected him of being an informant.

However, his father never lost faith in him.

Isolation, a dimly lit dungeon

Richter stated, “I was full of hate and I was young.” It was difficult to make the dark arrest.

Many inmates have gone insane in these quarters. “Your time is being squandered. You nod off and wake up, but it’s unclear whether it’s been five minutes or an hour. “You have a problem after that.”

The breakdown of the SED Party rule and the dismantling of the State Security Service were postponed until after the peaceful revolution in fall 1989.

On October 3, 1990, the German Democratic Republic became the Federal Republic of Germany, and the Berlin-Hohenschönhausen remand prison was officially closed.

Revolution’s Dynamics and Modus Operandi

It goes without saying that every revolution is presented as group thinking, with groups benefiting, entire societies flourishing, and milk and honey available for all.

However, as a child who fought and bled in the 1991 revolution, which resulted in civil war, I realised that revolutions are the product of one man’s desire and needs, perhaps a few, but that’s all.

I fought for democracy against Communism, yet all I knew was Communism, irony.

The revolution begins slowly and easily in the dark shadows of the night, in basements, and the first acts of disobedience to the government are posters on the streets, slogans, ruined public property, and gradually, people from those loud gatherings begin arming themselves, and Bob’s your uncle.

Needless to say, revolutions are far less likely to occur in Western countries than in Eastern Europe, Asia, or Africa, and why? I’ll leave the answer up to you.

So let’s get into the idea and practice of revolution, and in this essay, we’ll explain why the October Revolution isn’t what you’ve been told. This chapter of the Russian revolt began with Russia’s enemy during World War I, Germany.

Let me ask you a few easy questions before we begin.

Do you know what a revolution is?

What exactly does “revolution” mean?

What does the Revolution represent?

How does the Revolution come about?

The term Revolution is derived from the Latin word revolution, which means ‘a turnabout’.

It’s only a twist, do you agree?!

A revolution is the rapid and substantial transformation of a society’s state, social, ethnic, or religious structures.

A revolution is defined by the attempted change of political regimes, massive social mobilisation, and efforts to compel change by non-institutionalized techniques such as large demonstrations, marches, strikes, or violence.

Revolutions have occurred throughout history and continue to do so. They differ significantly in terms of tactics, success or failure, lifespan, and underlying ideology.

Revolutions can begin on the periphery, with guerilla warfare or peasant upheavals, or on the inside, with urban uprisings and regime overthrows.

Repression, corruption, and military losses can leave regimes open to revolution.

Revolutionary ideologies and forms of government, such as nationalism, self-determination, republicanism, liberalism, democracy, fascism, and socialism, can spread throughout the world system.

The Revolution can be understood in three ways: psychologically, sociologically, and politically.

  • Psychological: The general public’s displeasure with the state of society and politics is the primary driver of revolution.
  • Sociologically, society as a whole is out of balance with respect to diverse demands, resources, and subsystems (political, cultural, etc.).
  • Political conflict occurs when competing interest groups clash.

According to this paradigm, revolutions occur when two or more groups have the resources to use force to achieve their goals but are unable to reach an agreement inside the traditional decision-making process of a specific political system.

The American, Russian, Chinese, and French revolutions are among the best-known historical revolutions.

October Revolution

Russia, history, and communism: or the Bolsheviks’ rise to power.

On November 7, 1917, it was evening, and the hands struck nine o’clock.

The charge was announced with a shot from the cruiser Aurora.

Workers, sailors, and communist revolutionaries went to St. Petersburg’s Winter Palace with the goal of deposing the current administration and installing a new one that would represent them.

This marked the beginning of the October Revolution, one of the most major historical events of the twentieth century, which will bring about a slew of changes, most notably political ones, first in Russia and then throughout Europe and the world.

According to historians, the October Revolution saw an abrupt shift of power in Russia.

So, how did it all start?

9th April 1917.

There are thirty-two Russian emigrants at the Zurich station, ready to depart.

They are not the only ones who have arrived; some in the crowd cry at them, “Traitors, thieves, pigs!”

However, people who support them also sing revolutionary songs.

Despite the fact that the disturbance temporarily blocks the tracks, the train continues to go.

The German Emperor Wilhelm II provided this train with the purpose of sparking a revolution in Russia.

Lenin, also known as Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, sits in one of the carriages.

He leaves his exile in Switzerland with German support, arriving in Petrograd a week later.

The February Revolution in Russia concluded, and Tsar Nicholas II was ousted.

However, as a result of the prolonged fighting, the civil administration is unstable, the atmosphere is chaotic, people are starving, and they are unhappy.

All of this suggests that a significant upheaval could occur in a few months’ time.


Berlin pays special attention to the travels of famous Russian refugees: “Lenin was able to enter Russia.” “He is behaving exactly as we have instructed,” the German Army’s Supreme Staff wrote to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Wilhelm II, a monarch and ardent conservative, appears to be siding with communist Lenin in what appears to be a political quandary.

Germany and Austria-Hungary have been at war with the Russian Empire since 1914, and Berlin’s goal is to significantly weaken it.

As a result of Lenin and the Bolsheviks’ destabilisation of Russia, Berlin calculated that German military units might be shifted from the Eastern Front to the Western Front during World War I.

The plan was much more effective than expected when revolutionary Russia surrendered a major amount of its territory to Germany in the Brest-Litovsk Treaty.

The classic phrase “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” accurately defines the connection between the king and Lenin, but the person who proposed such an alliance is even more intriguing.

Izrail Lazarevič Heljfand, sometimes known as “Parvus” or Maleni, was a lone combatant.

This was a wealthy Russian Jew who had earlier recommended to the German envoy in Constantinople at the end of 1914 that “Russian proletarian fists and Prussian bayonets” join forces.

According to Parvus, Germany and the Russian revolutionaries share the same goals.

Initially suspicious, he later secures a Berlin appointment.

“Salon revolutionary”

Heljfand first visited Germany in 1891. He was content to live in grandeur and with the fairer sex.

Under several names, he publishes to revolutionary newspapers and contacts with the most notable revolutionaries of the day, including Karl Kautsky, Leon Trotsky, Lenin, and Rosa Luxemburg.

However, due of his “non-socialist” lifestyle, his comrades did not have much trust in him.

Heljfand and Trotsky were among the first Russian refugees to return home following “Bloody Sunday” on January 22, 1905, when the Russian Tsar ordered the shooting of protesters in Petersburg, killing over 200 people.

They both rose to prominence as Workers’ Council leaders, but the police apprehended them one after another.

Heljfand is imprisoned in Siberia but escapes and establishes himself as a businessman in Istanbul. He amasses a wealth through business and imports, eventually owning many banks.

As a result of everything, his fellow communists publicly rejected him; Trotsky even wrote a “Obituary to a Living Friend”.

However, when war broke out in 1914, “Parvus” was given another opportunity to create “great politics”. In February 1915, the German ambassador in Turkey assigned him a post in Berlin.

Without hesitation, the revolutionary established what amounted to a smuggling “business” in Constantinople, or present-day Istanbul. However, his channels were extremely helpful to the revolution.

He arrives at the Berlin Ministry of Foreign Affairs conference well-prepared, with a written “schedule” for the revolution that he eventually fills out nearly completely.

In 23 pages, he discusses Lenin’s release to Russia, the weapons and money that will be supplied to the revolutionaries, and the final fall of the Russian government.

Berlin was also pleased; a month later, the Imperial Treasury Office sanctioned two million Reichsmarks “for the support of revolutionary propaganda in Russia”.

Heljfand is also politically active; his “business” was difficult to separate from his political goals, thus he deals in everything and anything, including metals, weapons, cognac, caviar, and fabric.

Due to the battle obstructing the road east, smuggling took place in the north, between Finland, a Russian Empire duchy at the time, and Sweden. The border patrol agents were paid off and refused to allow any inspections.

If he was “conveying greetings from Olga” at the border, the revolutionaries in Russia were handed weaponry, dynamite, and propaganda materials.

These “German gifts” sank ships in Arkhangelsk and set the harbour on fire. Count Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau, the German envoy in Copenhagen, directed “Parvus'” actions. He did not hesitate to aid the communists because doing so would weaken the military alliance battling Germany.

“Now we will pay for the revolution in Germany”

On November 7, 1917, a day that will be remembered as the October Revolution, Heljfand’s plan reaches its pinnacle.

After the civilian government is deposed, the Soviet Union seizes power, and a few weeks later, Russia declares its decision to abandon the Entente, a military alliance that comprised the British Crown and France.

For Russia, the war had effectively ended. The revolution in Russia headed by German Emperor Wilhelm II cost almost half a billion dollars today.

For a time, Lenin was also attacked since he received financing and support from both war opponents and capitalists.

Although he never denied it, he did say, “I would add that now with Russian money, we will bring about a similar revolution in Germany,” before a party meeting.

However, the revolution was not successful.

Russia is led by communists.

Communists – Lenin’s Bolsheviks took control and overthrew Alexander Kerensky’s interim government.

“The time for the people to take control has arrived.”

Because of their engagement in the war, poverty, and the Provisional Government’s poor performance, the Bolsheviks took advantage of the populace’s and army’s displeasure.

In 1903, the Bolsheviks split from the Mensheviks to form a more radical section inside the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party.

They believed in Karl Marx’s theories and predicted that the working class would finally overcome the capitalists’ economic and political dominance.

The Bolsheviks believed that a truly socialist society based on equality could only be formed if this was accomplished.

They were commanded by Lenin, who, following the February Revolution of 1917, returned to Russia in an armoured German train after a long exile.

He intended for the Bolsheviks to capture control in Petrograd and then replicate the scheme in other locations.

Lenin persuaded the Bolsheviks with his personality and energy, but he required Soviet support to succeed.

Soviets were workers’ councils formed in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1905, bringing together a diverse range of left-wing political parties, including anarchists and communists.

They were transformed into organised social and state units by the Bolshevik regime.

In his book April Theses, Lenin set out the goals of the Bolshevik revolutionary revolution.

He promised “land, bread, and peace” to the people under the slogan “all power to the Soviets.”

To win over the urban populace, he claimed that the Bolsheviks could address the issue of food shortages in cities; yet, this argument was irrelevant to the peasantry, who made up the vast majority of the population.

He secured the peasants’ neutrality by handing them land, and he fulfilled the majority of Russians’ expectations for the war’s end by promising to make peace with Germany.

Red November

Lenin returned to Petrograd, determined to seize power shortly.

The Provisional Government had scheduled elections for November, and he was convinced that the Bolsheviks would do poorly.

Trotsky took over the organisation of the Bolshevik coup, while the Military Revolutionary Committee gathered backing from the Petrograd garrison and Kronstadt sailors.

On November 6, Prime Minister Kerensky attempted to limit Bolshevik power by ordering the arrest of its leaders.

Nonetheless, the Military Revolutionary Committee responded.

The Red Guard and Kronstadt sailors occupied critical positions around the city.

On November 7th, they headed to the Provisional Government in the Winter Palace in response to a shot from the cruiser Aurora.

A few officer cadets, Cossacks, and the “female death battalion” were left to defend the castle, but only a handful were willing to fight.

Most armed forces remained in their barracks, doing nothing to prevent the Bolshevik seizure.

Kerensky departed the Winter Palace to seek assistance.

He escaped from Petrograd dressed as a woman to Moscow, where he took the train to Murmansk using documents and a passport provided by a Serbian officer, where he boarded a ship and travelled to England, thereby ending the saga of the provisional government.

Workers and soldiers surrounded the castle overnight, and on November 8, the Red Guard rushed in and arrested several Provisional Government leaders.

The Bolsheviks took power in Russia.

STASI: Tailors of Fear

It goes without saying that we have all seen moments on social media where someone talks about Communism, Eastern Block, Soviet Union, and now Russia and they are so-called experts, but many of those experts were born in Eastern Bloc countries in the 1980s or 1990s and have no true knowledge or experience with how intelligence or military doctrine worked or what the secret police’s modus operandi were.

Let us begin this post with a joke, a true joke that may land you in prison for life in Eastern Germany GDR.

It used to be a joke in our house that neighbours listening in on each other were using “STASI” techniques.

Even if this was a joke, it was said—and I believe it is still said—that “STASI” strategies are employed by corporations to undermine data security or conceal the illegal operations of secret services.

“These are STASI methods!” is a frequent saying.

But who exactly were these “STASI”?

I’ve already explored the GDR’s secret police, known as the STASI, in previous audio episodes.

Previously, the “German Democratic Republic” (GDR) was an autonomous state that ruled over eastern Germany from 1949 until 1990.

However, by Western terms, it was a Soviet-influenced dictatorship rather than a democracy.

There was authoritarian rule by the all-powerful “Socialist Party of Germany” (SED).

Her underling secret service, the STASI, was her preferred instrument for solidifying control.

This is an acronym for “Ministry of State Security,” or “MfS,” which was established during the Cold War in the GDR in the early 1950s.

Images of a common opponent affected politics in both the East and the West at the time.

The SED was afraid of losing control, so they labelled opposition figures as “counter-revolutionaries,” “class enemies,” and “pests of the people.”

The STASI also began using these exceedingly derogatory names.

To forestall a “counter-revolution,” state security was tasked with establishing an all-encompassing secret service and a terrifying secret police, free of legal or media restraints. The STASI also operated as an auxiliary body for the Soviet secret police.

“Shield and Sword of the Party”

The STASI’s sole purpose was to keep the Communist Party in power.

To maintain power for forty years when their people were starving and preparing to flee, the Communist Party had to be exceptionally competent at crowd control and undermining anti-state militants.

However, public street violence and assassinations did not help the Party’s reputation, therefore the Ministry of State Security had to go outside the box.

Previously known as the “Schild und Schvert der Partei” (Shield and Sword of the Party), the German abbreviation for these covert police force was STASI. Their sole objective was to keep the Communist Party in power.

How? It did not matter to them.

The scope of STASI assignments was extensive. She worked as an overseas spy for the secret service.

It partnered (and competed) with secret police agencies from “socialist brother countries,” such as Hungary and Poland.

In the event of a conflict, the STASI prepared sabotage attacks and attempted to influence politicians and the media in Western countries.

Simultaneously, the STASI sought to prevent foreign secret agencies from sabotaging and espionaging the GDR. He also arranged and handled military agreements with states that supported the GDR, such as Syria’s dictatorial regime.

The STASI, working as the secret police, prepared “top secret” reports on the state of things and mood for SED leadership in the same way as a covert opinion research organisation would. In 1986 alone, he completed 12 million security checks. These background checks were required for permission to go abroad, seek a career in the GDR, or obtain a student visa.

However, the STASI served as a “ideological police” force. He agreed with opinions considered “wrong” by the SED state.

“Wrong”? Well…

Their primary objectives were keeping the opposition’s members hidden from the public eye and safeguarding the party’s and GDR’s survival and reputation.

As a result, it scared others with opposing beliefs, followed its own people, and had an impact on their lives.

She listened to people, searched mail and apartments, and created illogical strategies to discredit dissenters, hinder them from getting employment, and dismantle opposition networks of friends.

She committed significant violations of both civil and human rights.

The STASI operated as an instrument for life control, intimidation, and surveillance all at once. The victims they damaged are still coping with psychological consequences of their deconstruction tactics.

“Company” and “Listen and Watch”

The STASI was colloquially known as “Listen and Watch” or “Company.”

Without a warrant, the STASI might summon individuals, detain them, and exert pressure on them.

The authoritarian ruling state party SED utilised it as the “shield and sword of the party” to meticulously monitor its own people and execute its right to power through brutality.

As a result, the ministry reported directly to the SED’s General Secretary as a military organisation, rather than the GDR Council of Ministers.

Scary STASI facts “Octopus”: They can be found almost anywhere.

At its peak, the STASI employed 91,000 individuals.

Approximately one out of every thirty residents worked for the STASI.

Their tentacles looked like those of an octopus.

More than one-third of East Germans, or 5.6 million, had an open STASI file and were either being monitored or suspected.

An extra 500,000 people submitted information to the STASI. East Germans lived in continual fear due to rigors monitoring and infiltration.

You never knew who you could trust. However, most of them were ignorant of the magnitude of these operations until the Berlin Wall fell.

Gaslighting first, or before gaslighting

In the 1950s, repression was carried out through physical torture.

However, in order to gain international acceptance, East Germany’s secret police had to become more discreet in the early 1970s. STASI was known for its fertile gaslighting.

The purpose of the Zersetzung, as previously stated, was to “shut down” any activist people or groups who constituted a threat to the Party.

Zersetzung is a modified military term for disintegration or corrosion.

Police analysed all relevant evidence, including interviews with neighbours, family members, and other contacts, to determine how it directly impacted the person’s mental health.

The STASI relentlessly damaged the life of anybody who appeared to challenge the Communist Party’s leadership or legitimacy.

Agents would spread rumours about their targets, leave pornographic material in their mailboxes, move belongings in their apartments, or repeatedly deflate bicycles.

Others have had life-changing experiences: people labelled as subversives have been denied higher education, made unemployed, and confined in asylums.

Many people suffered significant social stigma, economic loss, and long-term psychological distress as a result of the STASI’s lies.

Erotica and Nichte. Erotica, not at all.

Erotica, whether printed or filmed, was strictly prohibited in East Germany and was used to highlight the West’s decadence and wickedness.

However, STASI outlawed pornography and went on to film and produce her own series of pornographic films.

From 1982 to 1989, the official pornographic division employed 160 people, including 12 amateur enthusiasts.

Communist Party leaders and military officers attended secret film premieres. However, their attendance was documented for blackmail purposes.

Propaganda begins at an early age

East Germany’s public schools acted as police training grounds. Small children cut and paint paper dolls wearing gas masks and holding AK-47s. Hitler Youth-style groups were formed for schoolchildren.

There were no social networks at the time, therefore messages were delivered to villages and towns by “information rockets”.

People were taught that the Berlin Wall was a deterrent to the “West German separatist state” that was striving to destabilise their communist government.

Psychological operations were used to glorify the East German socialist state while condemning the immoral, pleasure-seeking capitalist West.

Hohenschonhausen – STASI Remand Prison

The headquarters remand jail of the newly formed East German Ministry of State Security (MfS) was a Soviet subterranean prison near Berlin that opened in 1951. In the 1950s, more than 11,000 people suspected of threatening the communist state were imprisoned here.

Those jailed include the leaders of the June 17, 1953 insurrection, as well as Jehovah’s Witnesses. However, many others were detained by reformist communists for months in cells resembling tombstones.

More than 900 former inmates spoke about the atrocities committed at the Hohenschonhausen jail.

However, the location of the prison was kept secret while it was operational.

The territory was represented by a blank gap on the city map and was not officially recognised. Because few individuals escaped, much of the country functioned as an open-air prison.

Sophisticated techniques devoid of human decency prompted doctors, engineers, and other professional workers to flee their comfortable and secure existence in the German Democratic Republic, also known as East Germany, and seek work in West Berlin or West Germany.

East Germans were forbidden from leaving the country for “security” reasons. Many of those who attempted were killed or imprisoned.

The File: Database

STASI collected a large amount of data, which was meticulously documented and stored in databases.

Thousands of people were targeted as “troublemakers” against the government, and as a result, their homes and cars (if they had any) were searched, their letters were opened and copied, and their actions were videotaped or secretly recorded.

Each of these records was kept in the STASI’s personal file.

Because there were no computers or other contemporary conveniences, you can only imagine the massive quantity of human machinery, information, and paper used at the time.

So far, the STASI archives have produced hundreds of millions of data, 39 million index cards, 1.75 million photographs, 2,800 reels of video, and 28,400 audio recordings.

Furthermore, several million were eliminated prior to publishing.

In 1992, millions of East Germans’ secret STASI files were made available to the public for inspection.

Three million people have requested access to their information, with wildly varying results.

Twenty years later, many former “subjects” of STASI investigation or surveillance only learned from these files that their wives, parents, children, or lifelong acquaintances had contributed material against them.

The STASI secret police had practically unlimited power since they had so much personal information on every citizen and so much sway over institutions (such as the ability to buy a car, acquire a job, or attend college).

They have socially paralysed you rather than arresting you.

Looking at all of this, is it feasible to draw parallels with contemporary events in terms of how much social networks assist us, how much and how someone else uses them, and how much data they collect about each of us?

Traditions “Do you observe anything?

Say something: citizen informants, acquiring personal information without a warrant, and assuming guilt all appear suspiciously similar.

The Truth About ‘Fake It Till You Make It’: A Call for Authentic Growth


In a world increasingly driven by appearances, the saying “fake it till you make it” has found its way into the lexicon of career advice, personal development, and even social interactions.

However, this approach, while seemingly effective in the short term, fundamentally undermines the essence of true progress and personal integrity.

Embracing this mantra can lead to a precarious foundation built on inauthenticity, potentially stunting genuine growth and learning.

The allure of appearing more competent, confident, or successful than we currently might provide an immediate boost or open doors, but it risks deepening the chasm between our real selves and the facades we present.

Moreover, this mindset perpetuates the dangerous notion that value is tied to perception rather than reality, ignoring the intrinsic worth of honesty, hard work, and authentic development.

Fake it until you make it, or…?

How often have you encountered this phrase? Lately, it seems to be everywhere.

Some contest its validity, questioning, “Really, how far are we willing to go?”

Others embrace it, arguing that the ends justify the means.

“Fake it till you make it” has become a widespread adage.

A cursory internet search reveals countless business presentations, credible media stories, and TED talks praising its benefits. It’s no wonder many of us are convinced that this approach can propel us toward achieving our goals.

Yet, it’s crucial to delve deeper into this phrase. I assert that it represents not just an individual strategy but a societal phenomenon.

No matter your current situation, change is possible.

Let’s start from the beginning.

In my view, honesty with oneself is paramount. Only through sincerity can true change occur. Deceiving ourselves leads nowhere.

Why “Fake it” Doesn’t Actually Work

Pretence doesn’t foster the development of our skills or confidence.

The rationale behind “fake it” is to enhance self-esteem and confidence temporarily, hoping that these will eventually become genuine.

From my experience, while “fake it till you make it” doesn’t truly deliver, the act of performing can temporarily boost confidence. However, it tends to feed into the “impostor syndrome.”

If “Fake It” is your guiding principle, how can you recognize your own excellence or view yourself as an expert, let alone expect others to do the same?

Let’s be honest. “Fake it”?

Should I pose a question? Is a lie, even when well-intentioned, still a lie? It’s essential to prioritize authenticity.

By denying or concealing your true level of expertise, you’re not only lying to yourself but also robbing others of the chance to learn from the real you.

We must consider our aspirations and the persona we wish to project in our professional lives.

Instead of striving to be someone we’re not, it would be more beneficial to acknowledge our current abilities, those we’re developing and gaining confidence in, and those that require further attention and action.

“Faking it” hinders our learning process.

While it’s unnecessary to broadcast our insecurities or lack of knowledge openly, presenting a false image of ourselves is equally unhelpful.

This not only reflects a lack of confidence but may also prevent us from receiving the support and opportunities we truly need.

Attempting to “fake it till you make it” can obscure other valuable aspects of your personality and skills that might be appealing to potential employers or colleagues.

Imagine encountering a professional in your field at an event, looking for someone to mentor. If you present a façade of undue confidence, that professional might overlook you, assuming you’re not in need of further development.

This is just one way in which we can inadvertently hinder our own progress.

Fake it? Why We Do It

Today, competence, knowledge, and confidence are highly prized.

Given the constant pressure to excel, the competitive nature of many fields, and the tendency of social media to showcase only the best moments, it’s understandable why many succumb to the temptation of faking these qualities.

But why engage in this behaviour?

To foster a sense of competition and to project confidence, perhaps.

While acknowledging one’s knowledge and competence is vital, it’s equally important to admit that we are all human and will, at times, encounter struggles, failures, and deficiencies.

The Missing Authenticity

Again, one must ask: does “fake it till you make it” truly serve us well?

I must be candid: the portrayal of life on social media is far from reality. In the digital age, where nearly everything is presented in its best light, where does authenticity stand?

While striving for our best is understandable, this effort should be grounded in honesty, not in the pretence of “faking it.”

Authenticity might carry us only so far before the truth becomes evident.

Let me share a personal anecdote to illustrate my point.

Dressing in a suit gives me a confidence boost when preparing for an important work meeting. This little ritual helps me feel secure.

Yet, the suit doesn’t endow me with knowledge or competence; those I convey through my actual expertise, which is difficult to fake. People recognize genuine skill and authenticity, which cannot be masked by mere appearances.

“Fake it till you make it” and Impostor Syndrome
At some point, we’ve all felt inadequate in certain areas of our lives.

Who hasn’t? To claim otherwise would be dishonest.

But have you heard of impostor syndrome?

This syndrome describes the psychological pattern where individuals doubt their accomplishments and fear being exposed as a “fraud.”

It’s marked by a conflict between one’s internal perception and external evidence of their competence.

Those afflicted by impostor syndrome often work harder to avoid being “found out,” setting increasingly higher standards for themselves.

This syndrome is fuelled by the fear of failure and the belief that one’s success is undeserved, attributing it to luck rather than skill or effort.
Pretending can temporarily ease these feelings, but without genuine self-improvement, the underlying insecurities remain.

The Solution: Face it Until You Make it

Instead of hiding behind a facade, we should embrace and confront our challenges.

Self-confidence plays a crucial role in nearly every aspect of a fulfilling life. It’s essential to face our fears head-on.

Accept that failure is a part of the process. Stand up, face your challenges, and persist. As the Japanese proverb says, “Fall down seven times, stand up eight.”

Life is a blend of hardship and beauty. True satisfaction and accomplishment come from genuine effort and overcoming challenges.

By choosing to face rather than fake our challenges, we invest in our long-term growth and skill development, building a foundation of genuine self-confidence and resilience.

Beyond the Facade

Many of us aim to improve aspects of ourselves that we believe are holding us back. Whether it’s becoming more confident, disciplined, or ambitious, the key is to practice genuinely until these traits become a natural part of us.

Instead of resorting to pretence, focus on authentic growth and learning. We are all works in progress, and embracing our imperfections is what makes life rich and rewarding.

As we navigate an increasingly digital world, authentic skills and talents become even more valuable. “Faking it till you make it” is not only ineffective but can also hinder your career, relationships, and overall well-being.

By persisting and continuously improving, we not only enhance our abilities but also open doors to new opportunities for growth and learning.

Honesty about your skills and limitations is crucial. A breach of trust, once detected, is hard to mend.

Trust, once built, forms the foundation of all successful relationships, but it’s fragile and easily broken.

The Evolution of Environmental Activism: From Conservation to Radicalism

Development of Ecological Groups

The Industrial Revolution signalling the beginning of a cycle of increasingly severe overexploitation and environmental disaster.

It was a period in which the natural environment suffered greatly to meet humankind’s demands, including both natural calamities and human-caused devastation.

The depletion of natural resources, industrial pollution, and the negative consequences of human activity on the environment have all increased in tandem with the growth of the free market, technical breakthroughs, consumer culture, and other supporting aspects.

The growth of capitalism and globalisation had a huge impact on the formation of environmental social movements, particularly in the Global South.

This region, known for its poverty and little influence, bears the burden of such environmental devastation.

At a period when mass consumerism peaks to meet artificial wants, technology dominates, and our connection to nature dwindles, we see natural resource depletion, the extinction of innumerable plant and animal species, and severe climate change. Ignoring these requirements is no longer a choice.

These reasons fuelled the development of different ideas within eco-organizations, driving them towards more radical forms of resistance as traditional, legal measures became inadequate.

Development of the Environmental Movement

The awareness of nature’s inherent value in the United States during the mid-nineteenth century, prompted by the transcendentalists and their romanticism-inspired critique of contemporary civilisation, was an early recognition of ecological problems.

This period saw an increase in the extinction rate of plant and animal species as a direct result of the industrial revolution’s persistent quest of progress, which prompted the birth of the ecological movement in America rather than Europe.

The intellectual revolution of this era instilled in people a strong respect for the wild natural world.

Understanding the past is critical for comprehending our current actions and creating a sustainable future.

The conservation movement emerged in the late 1800s, with the goal of protecting natural regions and raising public awareness of environmental degradation for the benefit of all humanity.

However, the movement encountered a paradox: despite their appointment as nature’s stewards, people continued to abuse it through activities like as mining, poaching, and deforestation.

In response, John Muir created the Sierra Club in 1892 with the goal of protecting California’s Sierra Nevada Mountains. This movement emphasised the inherent value of nature and opposed further exploitation, an attitude that remains prevalent in North American environmentalism.

The 1960s in the United States saw a tremendous shift, as environmental concerns spread beyond tiny groups to garner greater societal attention.

This shift was driven by increased study into human effect on the environment, the emergence of new ecological organisations, and a greater appreciation for the natural world.

Rachel Carson’s key work, “Silent Spring,” was essential in uncovering the harmful consequences of pesticides on both human health and the environment, undermining the dominant narrative of scientific advancement.

As environmental consciousness grew, organisations such as the Wilderness Society and Sierra Club saw tremendous membership growth, fuelled by civil disobedience and student protests.

This decade also saw the emergence of environmental movements such as Friends of the Earth (1969), Greenpeace (1972), and Earth First! (1980), which signalling a turn towards more radical environmental theories and direct-action techniques.

Radical environmentalism and Deep Ecology

As environmental consciousness grew, so did the scope of activism, which ranged from legislative reform initiatives to more radical, direct-action techniques.

The formation of Earth First! in 1980 signalling a dramatic shift towards radical environmentalism, as seen by a readiness to use direct action tactics to halt environmental destruction.

This movement set the framework for the Earth Liberation Front (ELF), which is noted for its more confrontational approach to environmental defence. Founded in the United States in 1977 as the Environmental Life Force, ELF’s early operations were intended to have an immediate impact but were met with resistance due to their radical nature, prompting a temporary disbandment.

The ELF resurfaced in the 1990s with a strategy centred on inflicting economic damage on companies believed to be destructive to the environment, shifting away from educational initiatives and towards more violent tactics.

This move highlights the controversial discussion in environmental circles concerning the effectiveness and ethics of radical activism.

Parallel to these advancements, the philosophy of deep ecology evolved, providing a fundamental theoretical framework for radical environmental thinking.

Deep ecology, first proposed by Norwegian philosopher Arne Naess in 1973, pushes for a fundamental rethinking of humanity’s relationship with nature.

It emphasises self-realization and biocentrism, arguing that all living organisms have intrinsic value independent of their utility to people.

Deep ecology questions the dominant anthropocentric worldview and advocates for a change towards more eco-centric ideals.

This conceptual change proposes a more holistic approach to environmental advocacy, in which nature is protected not only for its own sake, but also for the benefit of humans.

Deep ecology has influenced the goals and tactics of radical environmental movements, who frequently prioritise ecological integrity over human-centered concerns.

Reflecting on the Spectrum of Environmental Activism

The transition from the early days of conservation to the advent of radical environmentalism demonstrates a diverse and dynamic movement with a similar goal: to safeguard our world.

This progression demonstrates the complexities of resolving environmental challenges, which vary from legal reforms and public education to direct action and violent resistance.

As society grapples with the expanding environmental problem, the questions raised by these movements become more relevant.

How do we strike a balance between human civilization’s requirements and the preservation of the environment?

Can radical activity bring about significant change, or does it alienate potential allies?

And, most importantly, what lessons can we learn from the past to help us navigate our future?

Answering these questions reveals that the environmental movement covers a diverse set of beliefs and techniques.

From the Sierra Club’s conservation initiatives to the ELF’s direct activities, each strategy adds to a bigger conversation about our relationship with the Earth.

As we ponder the future of environmental activism, we must recognise the value of diversity and encourage a wide and inclusive effort to protect our world for future generations.

Shadows of Compassion: The Radical Evolution of Animal Rights Activism

In the evolving landscape of animal rights activism, a shadowy line blurs the distinction between fervent advocacy and radical extremism.

As societal concern for animal welfare grows, so too does the intensity of actions taken by certain groups, whose tactics increasingly mirror those traditionally associated with terrorism. These organizations, driven by a profound moral conviction to end animal suffering, sometimes adopt methods that are as controversial as they are eye-opening.

From the strategic sabotage of hunting activities to the audacious liberation of animals from research facilities, their operations are meticulously planned and executed with a zeal that transcends conventional protest.

This radical arm of the animal rights movement, though representing a fraction of activists, commands a disproportionate share of public and media attention, challenging our perceptions of activism and provoking a complex dialogue on the ethics of their methods.

As we delve into the history and evolution of these groups, it becomes apparent that the line between passionate advocacy and extremism is not only fine but also fraught with moral and legal ambiguities.

This article explores the darker underbelly of animal rights activism, where the fight for compassion sometimes takes a turn into the realms of radicalism and terror.

Animal rights activists – The animalistic movement

The emergence of animal welfare in the nineteenth century coincided with other historical social movements, such as the abolition and human rights movements, which both sought for the expansion and alteration of moral viewpoints.

This empathy included considerations for animal welfare.

Animal experiments and vivisection became more widespread during the nineteenth century. led to the formation of the first animal welfare organisations, first in Great Britain and then in North America, with the goals of refuge and public education.

To be clear, vivisection is the technique of performing surgery on a living organism—typically an animal with a central nervous system—for scientific purposes in order to investigate its internal structure.

The most serious issue, vivisection, which was sanctioned by the dominant Cartesian view of animals as non-thinking machines, spawned numerous anti-vivisection organisations that attempted for a long time to prohibit this treatment of animals but failed due to the too strong medical lobby and associated elements.

Beginning with the earliest group, the Band of Mercy, which destroyed property in the nineteenth century, and extending to today’s ALF, animal rights groups use violence against humans more frequently in the United Kingdom than in the United States.

Evolution of Groups and Terrorist Activities

In the United Kingdom in 1963. The Hunt Saboteurs Association was founded in 1972 to sabotage fox hunting, and the Band of Mercy group grew out of it.

Disgruntled HSA members formed the Bando f Mercy with the goal of confronting hunters directly. At first, they would disable their vehicles and leave menacing messages. Later, they would target medical research facilities in addition to arson and mail bombing attempts.

Among the most militant groups, the Animal Rights Militia isn’t afraid to employ violence against humans. In 1982, the gang sent letter bombs to Margaret Thatcher, the British prime minister.

In addition to mail bombs, they burned down automobiles and homes belonging to employees of specific firms. In the United States, they set fire to a warehouse in 1987, causing $100,000 in damages.

In Canada, they falsely claimed to have poisoned Mars chocolate bars, turkey meat in Vancouver, and threatened to kill ten scientists.

They are particularly active in Sweden, as well as the United States and the United Kingdom.

Among the countless incidents against people, we should mention the Justice Department group’s 1999 mailing of razor blades in letters to eighty-seven American scientists examining animals, instructing them to discontinue their research and release the animals from the facility.

Volkert van der Graaf, the founder of Zeeland’s Animal Liberation Front, a radical Dutch organisation, also assassinated a Dutch politician in 2002 who fought for the repeal of the fur farming ban.

Apart from ALF, the two most well-known groups that do not adhere to the principle of nonviolence are ARM and the Justice Department, although there are many more.

ALF – Animal Liberation Front

The Animal Liberation Front was founded in Britain in 1976 with the goal of inspiring increasingly more extreme actions of animal emancipation.

Soon after, the group expanded into the United States. Its first known action took place in Hawaii in 1977, when two dolphins from the University of Hawaii were released.

It’s crucial to proceed with caution this year because some believe that ALF didn’t exist in the United States until 1979, when two dogs and a cat were freed from a New York medical facility.

Following that, they confessed guilt for twelve direct cases up to 1990, including the 1987 arson of the University of California veterinary laboratory, which caused $4.5 million in damage. Rod Coronado, a movement veteran, was sentenced to three and a half years in prison for blowing the University of Michigan laboratory in 1992.

The group’s actions attract unwanted media attention due of the enormous property damage they do, particularly in larger cities.

The basic goal of ALF is to make the best use of resources (money and time) by removing animals from the status of property and putting an end to institutional animal exploitation based on the assumption that animals are property.

Their offences range from minor vandalism, such as spray-painting words on posters, to more serious criminal activities, such as destroying laboratory equipment and releasing animals, all because they believe that direct action is vital.

Their principal targets include hospitals, particularly those that do animal experiments, as well as other businesses and animal farms.

Their attacks are painstakingly planned and carried out, with extensive monitoring of the potential victim—often through friendship or employment—in order to get familiar with insurance procedures and gather evidence of animal maltreatment

Typically, attacks are videotaped and sent to above-ground organisations such as PETA, which offers financial assistance to the movement, and its press office (NAALFPO), which distributes them online.

Their website provides tips on how to avoid leaving fingerprints, fibres, or electronic traces while contacting the organisation. Like other radical groups, they work in small, anonymous cells to reduce the possibility of arrest or police officers entering the group.

Foundational Ideas of ALF:

  • Remove abused animals from industrial farms, fur farms, research facilities, and other settings and place them in loving homes where they can age naturally and without agony.
  • Cause financial losses for persons who profit from the agony and exploitation of animals.
  • To utilise peaceful direct actions, animal liberation, and publicising the tragedies and atrocities committed against animals behind closed doors.
  • Take all necessary steps to avoid harming animals, people, or non-human creatures.
  • Think about all possible outcomes before drawing any generalisations based on specific information given.

ALF’s largest violent attacks:

The University of California released 500 animals in 1985.

  • In 1987, an arson at the University of California’s animal diagnostics department caused $4 million in damage.
  • In 1989, animal escapes and arson caused around $1 million in damage at the Universities of Arizona and Texas.
  • From 1991 to 1993, Rod Coronado led a series of attacks (bombings, arson, and animal releases) on fur farms and medical facilities under the title of “Operation Bite Back.” One similar occurrence occurred at the University of Michigan, resulting in $1.2 million in damage; the total damage from these acts was estimated to be $2 million.
  • In 1996, a fur company in Minnesota committed arson, causing $2 million in damages.
  • The University of Washington Centre for Urban Horticulture suffered damage from a 5.6-million-dollar fire in 2001.
  • In 2003, 10,000 animals were released from a Washington farm.

These incidents account for only a small percentage of their actions, which are extremely difficult to track because they lack an official membership, anyone can be the perpetrator of their acts, and they regularly share responsibility for their actions with the ELF.

The ALF organisation has grown over the years and is currently present in several countries, including the United States, Canada, Denmark, Belgium, Sweden, Russia, Spain, Norway, Italy, and the Netherlands.

In the meantime, Scotland Yard and the FBI have labelled the ALF as a terrorist organisation.

PETA – People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals

People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) should be distinguished from the apparently moderate or less radical movements.

PETA is an organisation founded in 1980. With offices all around the world and over 700,000 members, it is now a global organisation.

Their efforts, which include global lectures, movies, educational materials, lobbying, and protests, are primarily intended at educating the public and capturing media attention.

Along with serving as media support for the ALF and most likely funding their illegal criminal activities, they also provide spiritual and financial support to incarcerated radical activists.

Among the hypotheses are some who argue that ALF and PETA are not separate organisations but were founded to protect PETA from the authorities.

Though it is sometimes claimed that extreme environmental and animal rights organisations coordinate, their beliefs and ways of thinking differ.

Animalists usually position themselves as champions of the species closest to humans, but radical ecologists advocate a more holistic approach that considers all creatures to be equally valuable.

In reality, they promote man’s dominion over the natural environment and frequently cause harm by releasing animals from captivity, disrupting the habitat’s delicate balance and spreading various diseases.

Only a percentage of the animalist movement’s goals have been accomplished thus far.

A rule enacted in Great Britain in 1986 prohibits the use of animals in experiments if their suffering surpasses any potential benefit, as well as the practice of traditional dog fox hunting.

Such trials must be approved by Australia’s Animal Ethics Committee and require anaesthesia.

In contrast, Sweden has rigors laws that need a detailed cost-benefit analysis.

Other countries have also passed legislation aimed at protecting animals and alleviating their suffering. It is worth noting that many industrialised countries have stricter rules than the United States regarding the use of animals in research.

The most pressing concern for animal activists is scientific research on living beings.

While they have made significant progress in recent years in reducing this type of animal mistreatment, their work will continue as long as any animal is used for these types of testing.

The most common companies that use these tests are genetic engineering enterprises, the medical and cosmetics industries, and the military, all of which are prominent targets for animal rights activists.

Do you ever worry if the lotions you use have been tested on animals? Or what type of research is being undertaken in medicine?

Is it all justified?!

“Living a Lie: How Patrice Runner Played the Hero While Swindling $175 Million from the Unsuspecting”

In a world increasingly saturated with promises of quick fixes and miraculous remedies, a dark underbelly thrives. It’s a world where characters like Patrice Runner, posing as helpers and heroes, prey on the most defenceless.

These con artists, who specialize in manipulation and deception, target the elderly, the timid, and those in desperate situations. They promise prosperity, health, and happiness but provide only illusions, plunging their victims into financial and emotional disaster.

This article digs into the terrifying story of Patrice Runner, a so-called psychic who masterminded one of the most heinous frauds of the last two decades, defrauding over $175 million from those least able to bear the loss.

As we uncover his deceptive tactics and the catastrophic effects on his victims, we get insight into a burning question: how do these modern-day villains credibly depict themselves as beacons of hope while orchestrating such profound betrayal?

“Maybe it’s not moral, maybe it’s bulls—t,” said Patrice Runner. “But it doesn’t mean it’s fraud.”

“Did ‘psychic’ Maria Duval make a deal with the devil?”

I had a question for you:

    1. Do you believe in astrology?
    2. Are you a horoscope reader?
    3. Do you believe psychics exist?
    4. Do you believe that if you really want something, you can only have it?

Let me tell you something first: those of you who believe you can, you are not alone.

Everyone in life seeks a quick fix when confronted with difficult or dreary circumstances, when they are struggling in their relationships or employment, when they want more money or happiness, etc.

Nonetheless, nothing in life is really that simple.

This is the story of Maria Duval and Patric Runner, the world’s most notorious con artist.

You couldn’t have missed news like this if you’ve been following the media recently:

“Canadian con artist sentenced to 10 years for $175M psychic mail fraud in U.S.”

‘Psychic’ conman jailed for swindling 1.3m Americans“

„Conman Patrice Runner, 57, is jailed for 10 years after swindling more than $175million from vulnerable victims claiming he was a psychic and promising them wealth and happiness if they sent him cash in the mail during two-decade scam.“

But first, we’ll go in order and biggest question of all:

Who is Maria Duvall?

In 1977, the spouse of a nearby dentist disappeared from Saint Tropez, a city on the French Riviera. Helicopters, police, and groups of people all searched the coast, but in vain.

After hearing about the case in the press, Maria Duvall, an amateur psychic at the time, offered to help. She asked for a recent photo of the missing woman, a map of the area, and her birth date.

After superimposing the image on the map, she let the pendulum swing back and forth until it passed over a specific location.

When the region was searched, the missing woman was found exactly where Duval predicted.

Mary’s reputation profited from this story both in Europe and overseas.

From Italy to Brazil, tabloids raved about her clairvoyant abilities, assisting in the search for up to nineteen missing people, forecasting election results, and profiting handsomely from her stock market predictions.

Rumour had it that companies and politicians were waiting in line to learn more about their fate.

According to rumours, she also found the misplaced dog of French actress Brigitte Bardot.

However, the actress’s assistants rejected the story’s truth, which was never verified.

But, as it turned out, Maria benefited from all these stories—both good and negative.

There were no social media platforms back then, and news was spread through newspaper ads.

Who is Patrice Runner?!

Particle Runner was about eleven years old while he was on the other side of the ocean in the late 1970s.

When he moved with his mother, he was exposed to the family’s financial problems.

His father had moved out a few years ago and was paying alimony on a regular basis. Looking at his mother at the time, Runner’s only desire was to “get rich” and avoid suffering as much as she did.

When Runner was a young man, he was lured in by a variety of advertisements in newspapers and magazines.

He was captivated to advertising at the time due of its emotional intensity, limited word choice, and simple language.

A few advertisements showcased brand-new watches and other equipment, while others sold services or guidelines for improving memory, decreasing weight, and increasing reading speed.

Others sold promises of tremendous wealth or a bright future, which were less material but still quite appealing.

Runner was particularly intrigued to the headline, “Most people are too busy making a living to make any money.”

At the age of 19, Runner spent $80 to start his first mail order business, selling how-to books and weight loss booklets on a variety of topics.

Runner was captivated by the power of intriguing copywriting, which enabled him to parlay his youthful curiosity into a multimillion-dollar business and profession.

At the age of nineteen, Runner launched his first mail-order business, selling weight loss booklets and how-to books on a variety of topics for $80.

He had dropped out of the University of Ottawa to study copywriting a few years before and started his own mail-order business in Montreal, selling sunglasses and cameras.

Runner and Duvall Co

Runner claimed to have first heard of Maria Duvall in the early 1990s. In June 1994, Runner, who also holds French citizenship, travelled to Europe with his then-girlfriend with the intention of seeing Duvall and completing a North American license agreement.

He claims to have found her number on the white pages of a phone booth.

Duval welcomed the pair to her property in the tranquil village of Calas, which made her happy.

Runner’s then-girlfriend recalls that during their psychic reading, Duvall divulged details about the couple’s life that the woman could not have known, such as the knowledge that Runner had lost her father when she was six years old.

Runner maintains that by the end of the year, he and Duvall had negotiated an agreement permitting him to utilize her image in direct mail ads throughout North America.

He ran print advertisements for her psychic skills across the United States and Canada through the company that subsequently became Infogest Direct Marketing.

He claimed to have paid Duvall royalties totaling several hundred thousand dollars each year, or approximately 5% of sales. When he was able to create the letter on his own, the money started to come in.

The firm began – Infogest Direct Marketing

Runner used to say, “You can get someone’s attention by writing, and eventually, after a few minutes, the person sends a check, to get a product, to an address, from a company they’ve never heard of.”

He benefited from the 1990s spike in popularity and widespread commercialization of psychic services in North America.

There were TV shows, print media reports, and commercials.

However, Maria Duvall’s letters were a crucial predecessor of what evolved into a psychic services industry worth more than two billion dollars, primarily in the United States.

The runner’s efforts took off.

Infogest Direct Marketing began sending letters to people’s mailboxes alongside advertisements, blending Runner’s original writing with material modified from colleagues in Europe.

They all had the same format: typewritten letters or handwritten photocopies apparently written by Maria Duvall, demanding cash for lottery numbers, astrological readings, or fortune-telling.

Certain letters urged recipients to purchase alleged magical things, while others asked them to send personal documents or objects (such as family photos, fingerprints, or hair strands) in green envelopes, promising that the psychic would use them for unique rituals.

“Once this envelope is sealed, ONLY I can open it,” read one letter with Duvall’s photocopied signature on it.

Respondents occasionally received items or crystals in the mail. Sometimes they obtained lottery or fate numbers.

However, they began to receive fresh letters asking more money, numbering over a hundred in a few of months. From 1994 to 2014, about 1.5 million clients in the United States and Canada contributed more than $175 million to Runner’s business.

“If you have a special bottle of bubbly you’ve been saving to celebrate the great news, now is the time to open it,” said one nine-page letter his company sent to thousands of clients. The message promised “tremendous changes and improvements in your life” in “exactly 27 days”.

Recipients were encouraged to RSVP and send a $50 check or money order in exchange for a “mysterious talisman with the power to attract luck and money,” as well as a “Guide to My New Life” containing winning lottery numbers.

Many of people who responded to Maria Duvall’s advertisements and letters in North America and Europe shared a common profile: they were mostly older and, at times, financially disadvantaged.

They believed in astrology, psychics, and fortune telling, and their goals included change, salvation, and money.

Among the stories are:

In December 1998, a seventeen-year-old girl named Claire Ellis drowned in an English river. A note from Maria Duval was found in her pocket.

Ellis’ mother told the newspaper that in the weeks leading up to her murder, her daughter corresponded with Duvall, from whom she also purchased charms and pendants.

Her mother noted that Ellis’ behavior had become unpredictable, which she blamed to her daughter’s interaction with Duvall. “These things just shouldn’t be allowed,” the mother told journalists. “We received letters from this woman months after Claire died”.

By the early 2000s, many people around the world were talking about how they felt tricked by Duvall’s letter. Social media users formed several groups to debate this problem.

Fraud Complaints

In October 2004, Windsor, Ontario police issued a notification stating that “mail fraud complaints operated by ‘Maria Duvall’ have been received by numerous Canadian law enforcement agencies.”

Over the years, investigative journalists and law enforcement agencies from around the world have attempted to locate Duvall. There were allegations that she was a fraud, a parody designed to trick people.

Runner and his family traveled throughout that time, living in France, Switzerland, Spain, New Zealand, and other locations.

Thousands of consumers continued to receive letters and pay for services despite the fact that Operation Duvall was being covered by the media and multiple law enforcement groups.

The runner letter business was most profitable between 2005 and 2010, with a single-year total of $23 million (U.S.). Runner went on to achieve the financial success he had long sought years before.

A US civil investigation of the company’s Duval letter business began in 2014. The US Department of Justice has sent a notification of the lawsuit.

According to court documents, a US Postal Inspector discovered in 2014 that personal letters, hair lengths, palm prints, family photos, and unopened green envelopes addressed to Duval were delivered to a receiving facility in New York and disposed of in dumpsters.

The US authorities assumed that Runner’s constant moves were both an attempt to avoid detection and a way to transfer money from his most lucrative business: the Maria Duvall letters.

Arrests and Accusations

By the end of 2018, the US federal government had confirmed the case against him and charged him with 18 felonies.

Two years later, in December 2020, following extradition negotiations, Runner was handcuffed in Ibiza and taken from Madrid to New York to a Brooklyn prison.

The indictment covers numerous allegations:

For nearly two decades, Infogest Direct Marketing ran a direct mail operation targeting fraud victims who were “elderly and vulnerable”;

Runner was the company’s president, in charge of personnel who handled day-to-day operations, such as tracking mail and accepting payments.

Runner and his associates used shell businesses all around the world, including one named the Destiny Research Center, as well as private PO boxes in several US states.

Letters from mail receivers are routed to a “cage service,” an agency that accepts and administers return mail and payments for direct mail marketers, from these mailboxes.

Runner’s company used a cage service in New York, where employees removed money and processed incoming mail. The funds were subsequently transferred to accounts in banks around the world, including Liechtenstein and Switzerland, controlled by Runer and his colleagues.


The trial of United States v. Patrice Runer began on June 5, 2023, in the District Court for the Eastern District of New York, Central Islip.

“The details of his scheme may be complicated, but the fraud itself is very simple,” the prosecution told the jury. “The basic fraud is the use of a psychic character to lure people in with lies and take their money.” . . .

The prosecution went on to list Runner’s multiple attempts to disassociate himself from the business, including as deleting his name from company documents, founding offshore firms, and telling subordinates to shred documents showing his own handwriting.

The prosecution presented evidence that the letters were mass-printed, as were the alleged spiritual trinkets, which had the “Made in China” labels removed.

However, Runner’s defense argued that psychic services are inherently deceptive and hence cannot be called fraudulent.

Runner’s attorney told the jury that the government had presented no evidence that Runner meant to defraud or harm his customers.

It turned out that Runner was simply running a business that “promised the experience of astrological products and services.”

After nearly a week of deliberation, the jury convicted Patrice Runer of eight counts of mail fraud, four of wire fraud, conspiracy to commit mail and wire fraud, and conspiracy to commit money laundering.

He was found not guilty of four counts of mail fraud.

A federal jury convicted Patrice Runner, a Canadian and French citizen, of conspiracy to commit mail and wire fraud, conspiracy to commit money laundering, and multiple counts of mail and wire fraud.

He was sentenced to ten years in jail in the Eastern District of New York for orchestrating a huge psychic mass-mailing fraud scheme that stole more than $175 million from over 1.3 million victims in the United States.

In the end, he would say that fraud is always fraud.

I have a question for all of you: Do we need to pay magicians to experience magic?

Are we paying money on magic cards that can forecast our desired and expected outcomes?

And, just as Patrice Runner had fantasized of living the life of a rock star as a youngster and adult, he said, “I used to live like a rock star”?

Echoes of Eco-War: Navigating the Storm of Radical Environmentalism

Amidst the rapid rise of industry and worsening environmental damage, the second half of the 20th century saw the emergence of a strong protest the continuous exploitation of the Earth.

This uproar solidified into a movement that has since crossed the delicate boundary between activism and what has been controversially referred to as eco-terrorism.

With the increasing awareness of environmental issues, the advocacy groups for the protection of the Earth became more radical, resulting in a multifaceted discussion on the need, morality, and consequences of their actions.

The Origin of Radical Environmentalism

The 1960s were a significant period for the development of environmental awareness, leading to social movements that sought to stop the harmful impact of human activities on the natural world.

Originally based on nonviolent demonstrations and legal activism, these movements progressively adopted more assertive tactics aimed at directly challenging and limiting environmental plunder.

The implementation of these measures faced opposition from governments, corporations, and anti-environmentalist groups, who portrayed environmental activism as a kind of radical extremism.

The Vanguard of Eco-Radicalism: Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF)

The Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and the Earth Liberation Front (ELF) are two of the most notable radical groups in the eco-radical movement.

They have gained attention through a series of high-profile acts. In 2005, the FBI identified these groups as the primary domestic terrorism threat.

Their activities have ignited a heated discussion regarding the nature of their actions and the validity of their cause.

An In-Depth Examination of Eco-Actions

The Animal Liberation Front (ALF), established in the 1970s, has played a crucial role in planning and carrying out operations to free animals from what they regard as acts of cruelty and exploitation in laboratories and farms.

The ELF, which emerged in the 1990s, focuses on buildings, corporations, and facilities that it considers environmentally harmful. It uses fire and sabotage to interrupt operations and attract attention to its cause.

Is the “Green Scare” an instance of fearmongering or a legitimate concern?

The term “Green Scare” is a comparison to the “Red Scare” during the Cold War, implying a government-driven effort to create fear, stigmatise, and repress environmental campaigners through monitoring and laws.

This technique purportedly seeks to marginalise extremist environmentalists and their ideology, portraying them as a menace to the security of the nation and the well-being of the population.

Critics contend that this has enabled the gradual decline of fundamental rights and freedoms under the pretence of countering terrorism.

International viewpoints on eco-radicalism

The global perspective and categorisation of radical environmental groups exhibit substantial variation.

Contrary to the United States, European nations and Australia take a more sophisticated approach and refrain from using the phrase eco-terrorism.

European countries such as Germany and the Netherlands place less emphasis on categorising environmental advocacy as radicalism.

The Dutch have transitioned their language from referring to “animal rights activism” to using the term “animal rights extremism”, while avoiding the label of terrorism.

The United Kingdom avoids using the phrase “eco-terrorism” and instead categorises such actions as domestic extremism.

Australia and other regions are now examining the notion of “single-issue” terrorism, acknowledging the distinct motivations and tactics of environmental activists without conducting significant research or categorising them as terrorists.

The Prospects of Ecological Extremism

Despite controversy and resistance, the course of radical environmental organisations indicates a lack of decrease in their actions.

Conversely, as global environmental concerns become more severe, these groups are increasingly determined to broaden their objectives and strategies.

Over the past two decades, there has been an expansion in the range of their objectives, indicating a consistent, and possibly increasing, resolve to address environmental exploitation.

Understanding the Green Divide

The distinction between environmental activism and eco-terrorism becomes indistinct due to differing perspectives, ideologies, and methodologies.

The ALF and ELF, considered radical groups, saw their operations as essential interventions to address uncontrolled environmental deterioration.

However, their categorisation as terrorists highlights the wider societal and governmental dilemma of reconciling security priorities with the right to engage in peaceful protest.

Given the escalating environmental dangers that the globe is confronting, the discussion surrounding eco-radicalism encourages a thorough evaluation of the methods employed by civilisation to safeguard its natural legacy.

The trajectory of radical environmentalism, characterised by contentiousness and discord, highlights the intricate connection between mankind and its environment and the extent to which individuals are prepared to protect it.